Wednesday, November 27, 2019

7 Simple Best Practices to Speed Up Your Job Search

7 Simple Best Practices to Speed Up Your Job Search When an individual has spent some time looking for a new work, it can be easy to get into a rut, especially if that perfect job hasn’t come along. Worse yet, the few interviews that came your way did not result in a job offer. There is no reason to panic. Changing your tactics and being more proactive can change your luck and land you that job. 1. Look Over Your ResumeOne mistake made by resume writers is using stock phrases in a resume. Saying things such as â€Å"team leader† sounds good but tells the recruiter nothing about your skills. Making yourself stand out in the crowd is more likely to get your resume noticed. If you are qualified for a job and applied for numerous classified ad jobs but don’t get callbacks for interviews, then the problem may lie with your resume. Gear a resume toward the job you are seeking, highlight your skills and make this information easy to find such as placing this information in short bullet points. Before you send a resume, c heck to make sure your contact information is correct. A surprising number of job applicants are never contacted because they listed an old phone number or email address.2. Improve Your Job SkillsWhile you are waiting for that interview, go over your resume and see if there is anything you can do to make yourself more desirable as an employee in your job niche. Perhaps taking a course to improve your skills may make the difference in whether you are selected. Even if it doesn’t, it adds to your skills and shows that you keep on top of the latest information. This can leave a positive impression on recruiters.3. Work on Interviewing SkillsThe all-important interview can make or break getting a job. Polish your interview skills by practicing in front of friends or family or even in front of a mirror. Remember that you will probably be asked to tell the recruiter about yourself. Keep this response under two minutes and include education, what you accomplished that benefitted you r previous job and how you can be an asset for the current job opening.4. Try NetworkingSometimes, jobs can be found right under your nose. By networking through friends and business acquaintances, you can find job position openings. In addition, you can make a list of companies where you would like to work and submit an application for a current job listing or make inquiries about future job openings.5. Reevaluate Your SearchYou’ve submitted dozens of applications at job search sites and haven’t heard anything back. Maybe you need to reevaluate the way you are conducting your job search and the information you are putting out. This might be the time to ramp up your LinkedIn profile or your personal web page, which gives you plenty of room to list your qualifications, awards and experience. If searching job boards online isn’t helping, maybe it’s time to expand your job hunting by using other means.6. Follow Up on ApplicationsRather than waste time waitin g for a call or email from a recruiter, wait about a week and follow up on your job application. If the interest isn’t there, check it off your list to avoid wasting your time. In addition, recruiters may appreciate that an applicant wants the job badly enough to follow up. This might make a recruiter reconsider your application or bring it to his or her notice when contacting applicants for interviews.7. Take Your Job Search SeriouslySome job seekers simply send in stock resumes and wait for responses. Being proactive when searching for a job is more likely to get you called in for that first interview. Conducting a job search is work in itself and should be treated as seriously as you would a new job. Attention to detail, being proactive and making necessary changes will get you that dream job more quickly.When your job search stalls out, then it is time to re-evaluate, make changes and keep searching. TheJobNetwork helps by doing the searching for you. This service lets yo u list your qualifications and job interests and searches 24-hours a day for appropriate job openings, which it sends to you in the form of alerts. In addition, you can be proactive by searching the jobs yourself. Sign up for job match alert to get your job search going.

Saturday, November 23, 2019

Assess the challenge of Post-development theory to mainstream development paradigms Essay Example

Assess the challenge of Post Assess the challenge of Post-development theory to mainstream development paradigms Essay Assess the challenge of Post-development theory to mainstream development paradigms Essay Essay Topic: All Quiet On the Western Front The rise of Post-development theory in the late 1980s through to the 1990s advocated by scholars across the globe (Sachs, Escobar, Esteva, Shiva and Illich to name but a few) brought to the fore more radical interpretations and critiques of mainstream development paradigms. The post-development theorists set about a brutal yet arguably necessary attack upon current development practices and theories claiming to uncover some of the hidden truths behind the Western development project, as Esteva states The time has come to unveil the secret of development and see it in all its conceptual starkness (1992:7). Post-development embarked on a complete rejection of current development practice naming it a failure in every sense. However, others were sceptical, many believing that such a position was unnecessary and indeed unhelpful in terms of suggesting development alternatives, as Nederveen-Pieterse writes Post-development is caught in a rhetorical gridlock. Using discourse analysis as an ideological platform invites political impasse and quietism. In the end post-development offers no politics besides the self-organising capacity of the poor, which actually lets the development responsibility of the states and international institutions off the hook (2000: 187). Under such stark criticism the question often posed is what real challenge does post-development theory have to offer to the wider debate and reality of the development situation, if all it appears to be is semantic hot air? This paper will discuss in detail this very point, arguing that despite its at times, extreme radical view points, post-development has much to offer in terms of challenging our neoclassical interpretations and understanding of mainstream development theory. An initial overview will be given of the progression of development over the last four decades, highlighting the rise of post-development theory in the 1980s through to the 1990s. Following this, an in-depth assessment of the challenges posed to mainstream development by post-development will be given stressing the complexities associated with such challenges. Case studies and critique will be apparent throughout. Post-development theory grew out of a huge sense of dissatisfaction and disillusion with the way mainstream development theory was both constructed and operated. Such mainstream development has been seen as intrinsically linked to Neoliberal policies of economic reform and a dominant western understanding of how countries should progress and grow along the same teleological path as Western societies, the end goal of which being modernization and industrialisation. Mainstream development appeared to be constructed of a single, monolithic and imperialist vision of progress and planning as Escobar notes the idea that poor countries could move more or less smoothly along the path of progress through planning has always been held as an indubitable truth (1992:64). Post-development thinkers date the beginning of mainstream development to 1949 when President Truman made his famous speech, during which as Esteva believes, two billion people became burdened with the label underdeveloped (1992:7). Since that date development theory and practice has moved hap-hazardly through the decades along various initiatives and practices led by Western International Financial Institutions, development professionals and agencies. Development aims and goals were headed up by a number of schools of thought including the structuralists and dependency theorists of the 1960s, the modernisation and basic needs approaches of the 70s, through to the Neoliberal structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s (the so-called lost decade of development). The 1990s and into the 21st century, against the backdrop of the growing Globalisation phenomena, have heralded what is being called a more alternative and participatory approach to development theory and practice, based on a more human development and rights based approach. Scholars such as Robert Chambers have brought to the fore the importance of participatory methods to the development field, advocating methods such as PRA (Participatory Rural Appraisal) which places a greater emphasis on the role of local people in defining and solving their development problems, a realisation that villagers have a greater capacity to map, model, observe, quantify, estimate, compare, rank, score and diagram than outsiders have generally supposed them capable of (1994:1255). Despite these efforts to give development a human face many argue that such forms of so-called alternative development remain undistinguishable from the mainstream and have arguably merged, The problem is that there is no clear line of demarcation between mainstream and alternative alternatives are co-opted and yesterdays alternatives are todays institutions (Nederveen Pieterse. 1998:349). As development has crawled through the 1990s and into 2000 the gusto and courage of the post-development thinkers has merely been fuelled. Not happy with mainstream development or the alternatives it offers, post-development poses the ultimate challenge, to find not an alternative development rather an alternative too development. With its provocative statements and voice of certitude post-development challenges every development workers mind. The following discussion will draw out some of the key challenges posed by post-development including case studies and examples of development failure. Critique of these challenges will be given throughout. The collapse of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) summit held in September 2003 in Cancun marked a significant moment in time and provided a stark reminder that mainstream development is not working. At the summit unfair trade rules were met with resistance from more than 71 developing nations who refused to accept the forced agenda set by the rich nations. The result : the collapse of the talks. The failure of the rich nations to accept and negotiate resistance and the subsequent abandonment of the summit, marks what so commonly occurs within such agreements, that of Our way, or the highway! . The very same global advocates of human and economic development as a good for all showed themselves to be the very same hypocritical powers keeping developing nations trapped in crippling poverty through unfair and exploitative global trade regulations, For the developing countries, membership has not brought protection from abuses by the powerful economies, mush less serve as a mechanism of development (Bello. 2003:2). The Cancun Development Round marks a prime example of the ever apparent reality which post-development thinkers so explicitly oppose the hegemonic global dominance of the Worlds super-powers dictating progress and development based only on their terms. It is this profits before people (Kernaghan. 2001:64) attitude based on Neoliberal economics and neoclassical development theory, to which post-development is so strongly against. Mainstream economic development policies touted the world over based on economic reform, lowering of tariffs and trade liberalization in the Southern nations has been heavily criticised for its failure. Such failure has been marked by growing resistance across developing nations who are increasingly dissatisfied with World Bank and IMF Neoliberal prescriptions, and who are calling for a different development. A recent example of this cited in The Guardian, in which Lula Da Silva the elected Brazilian President states that 76% of Brazilians had voted against the current free market economic policy and in favour of a new model of development (The Guardian. 2002:14). The above example of the Cancun talks marks an entry point into a discussion of the challenges posed by post-development. Nederveen-Pieterse describes post-development as a Radical reaction to the dilemmas of development (2000:175), however whether it really is a radical standpoint is debatable, rather is it a more realistic and common-sense view from which to approach the fai de of development of the last 40 years, as the title quote from Esteva remarks In Mexico, you must be either numb or very rich if you fail to notice that development stinks (1987:1351). Post-development critiques the core basics of mainstream development theory taking overt positions on the problematisation of poverty, the portrayal of development as weste rnisation and critique of modernism and science (Nederveen- Pieterse. 2000:175). Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault on power, truth and knowledge many of the post-development thinkers challenge the imperialist, western and dominant form which, they argue, development has taken, believing that the development project was merely a form of neo-colonialism used to maintain the rich nations dominance and the poorer nations subordination, Systematic, empirical investigation of historical, geographical, and demographic conditions engendered the modern human sciences. Their aim for Foucault, was not human emancipation, but the making of docile yet productive bodies (Dreyfus Rabinow. 1983) (In Peet Hartwick. 1999:130). One of the most significant challenges posed by post-development is towards the use of modernism and technology as a development good for all. The neoclassical understanding of development draws on the lure of modern society to encourage the systematic modernisation of developing nations along western developmental paths in which industrialization, technological advance and utmost modernity can be fully embraced. For post-development thinkers, such as Illich, modernization means mass commodification and the rise of global products, a type of modernization which is suited more to the market needs of rich nations. In advocating the rise to modernity, Illich believes that a state of mind is engendered within developing nations, a state of mind which convinces them they are underdeveloped, Underdevelopment is the result of rising levels of aspiration achieved through the intensive marketing of patent products (1997:97). Thus for Illich poverty becomes planned, a scam to force developing nations into an unfair globalized economy producing foreign products for the global market and to, as Illich provocatively puts it surrender social consciousness to pre-packaged solutions (1997:97). And what of the impact the presence of such foreign firms and products have on developing nations? The impacts according to post-development, are only too apparent from the high levels of industrial pollution and environmental degradation to the use of sweatshop labour in the manufacture of global goods. A recent example in the UK press highlights the adversity of these impacts only too well as the largest Coca Cola plant in India is accused of putting thousands of farmers out or work by draining the water that feeds their wells and poisoning the land with waste sludge that the company claims is fertiliser (The Guardian. 2003). The plant employing only 141 people has been condemned by the charity ActionAid as an example of the worst kind of inward investment by multinational companies in developing countries (The Guardian. 003). In the face of such modern catastrophe and technological disaster, such as that of the big D Development Dam projects of the last two decades (including the Indian Sardar Sarovar Project in which over 200,000 people have been displaced, 56% of whom are tribal people (Kurian. 2000:843)), the post-development thinkers call on tradition, self-sufficiency and locally based forms of appropriate technology to resist, challenge and provide alternatives to the domina nt ideologies of modernism touted by global technocrats. The well documented work of Norberg-Hodge writing on Ladakh in the trans-Himalayan region of Kashmir, highlights the importance post-development theory places on traditional ways of life as a means to provide alternatives to development and challenge modernity. Writing on Ladakh, Norberg-Hodge notes how life has changed since external development forces have become increasingly significant in Ladakhi life, When I first lived among Ladakhis in the early 1970s, they enjoyed Peace of mind. The pace of their lives was relaxed and easy. An important element in this stress-free lifestyle was the fact that they had control over their own lives. Over the last thirty years however I have watched as external forces have descended on the Ladakhis like an avalanche, causing massive and rapid disruption (2001:112). She writes of the self-sufficient life which was led before development intervention, and as Rahnema and Bawtree She feels that western society has much to learn from the traditional lifestyle of the Himalayan people of Ladakh (1997:22). However, this challenge to modernism and technology and its call to more traditional ways of life does not go un-criticised. The post-development school is indeed heavily criticised for its over-romanticisation of the past, which some argue serves to artefact people and cultures, as Corbridge writes Post-development romanticises the soil cultures of the social majorities and provides poor empirical documentation of its claims (1999:145). Post-development theory also falls weak in its challenge to modernism and technology in its failure to recognise the liberating effects they may have, for example the use of cyber-technology by the Mexican Zapatistas in gaining international support and recognition, or the Kyapos use of video cameras and planes to defend their culture and ancestral lands in the Brazillian rainforests (an example cited in Escobar, 1995, implying the somewhat contradictory nature of the scholars arguments). One of the key criticisms of the post-development challenge to modernism and technology is that many believe they do not suggest adequate alternatives and merely rely on a glorification of the local, as Nederveen-Pieterse comments on the work of Norberg-Hodge, What is the point of declaring development a hoax (Norberg-Hodge. 1995) without proposing alternatives (2000:188). A further significant challenge presented by post-development is that towards the all encompassing concepts of global good, an example of which is sustainability. Since the early introduction of the concept in the Brundtland Report and its increasing prominence through international summits such as the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, Sustainability and sustainable development have become key buzz words within the development field heralded as a more integrated development goal in terms of achieving long term social, economic and environmental goals for present and future generations. However, as with many initiatives it appears that as increasing numbers of development agencies and organisations jump on the sustainability band wagon, it is proving to be another development good based merely on rhetoric. Indeed misuse of the concept has resulted in it becoming seen as another hegemonic Western discourse. An example of this can be seen in the number of inappropriate environmental projects which have sprung up in developing nations as a result of western use of sustainable development as a powerful interventionist tool. The Global Environment Facility (GEF) in association with the World Bank has been guilty of this, using un-realistic Eco-development projects in India to conserve the environment and create National Parks for Tourist purposes. The projects, carried out with little consultation from local people have resulted in the displacement of indigenous peoples from forest lands. The projects are imposed on the local communities by foreign environmentalists whose initiatives go against the basic livelihoods of those who depend on the forest resources for survival. The use of grand theory and concepts such as sustainable development again become what the post-developmentalists are so against, the imposition of development from centralised, distant bureaucracy which make decisions for communities they have never consulted (Source:2). Esteva writes on sustainability, .. in its mainstream interpretation, sustainable development has been explicitly conceived as a strategy for sustaining development, not for supporting the flourishing and enduring of an infinitely diverse natural and social life (1992:16). As the above example of sustainability highlights, post-development thinkers challenge the use of grand meta-narratives which are so commonly used within mainstream development paradigm. One of the main critiques of post-development is that it offers no alternative, it merely rejects current practice. Schurrman (2000) comments on the loss of central paradigms in development and poses the questions as to whether post-modernism, post-development and globalisation are capable of offering new and exciting paradigms? What Schurrman fears is that perhaps they are not, and as old paradigms are lost, new ones remain absent (Schurrman. 2000) The post-developmentalists would challenge this significantly, as Escobar points out By now it should be clear that there are no grand alternatives that can be applied to all places or all situations (1995:222), reiterated by Foucault who believed that all global theories such as modernization theory, Marxist mode of production theory, or world systems theory, to be reductionist, universalistic, coercive and even totalitarian (Peet Hardwick. 999: 132). These concepts and theories constructed within a western world view are strongly rejected as they challenge the scale at which mainstream development theory and practice operates, calling for more localized, grassroots-specific, bottom-up approaches. The ultimate challenge posed by the post-developmentalists to mainstream development is that of its failure, as Sachs famously puts it, The idea of development stands like a ruin on the intellectual landscape. Delusion and disappointment, failures and crimes have been the steady companions of development and they tell a common story: it did not work (1992:1). From the widening of inequality to the increased spread of HIV/Aids post-development theorists condemn mainstream development to failure. Examples such as the work of Ferguson (1994) on development failure in Lesotho based on rural development called The Thaba-Theska Project funded by the World Bank and Canadian International Development Agency in 1974, or even recent pieces in the Press such as an interview with Michael Buerk in the January edition of the Radio Times, in which he comments on his visits to Ethiopia in 1984 compared to a recent visit in 2004 in which he states The fact is that there are twice as many people hungry in Ethiopia today as there were in 1984 (Michael Buerk. 004:153), all point to failure. Despite the stark truth of development failure in some cases, others argue that such a negative standpoint and utter rejection of development does not ring true across the whole of the developing world, where examples of success and progress have been made. Corbridge offers the following critique, Post-development gives no hint of the extraordinary accomplishments that have defined the age of development, or of the historically unprecedented increases in life expectancies for men and women that have been achieved since 1950 (In India, life expectancies at birth increased for men from 46-60 years between 1965 and 1990, and for women from 44 to 58 years (Corbridge. 1999:145). Criticised for their generalisation of development, overtly pessimistic view points, romanticisation, unproblematised view of social movements and a complete rejection of development, post-developmentalists have themselves not preceded unchallenged. Indeed their tendency to deconstruct rather than reconstruct and the absence of alternatives does make many wary of the fruitfulness of such a standpoint (see Nederveen-Pieterse 2000). However, the beauty of post-development lies not in its answers but in its lack of answers. Post-developmentalists challenge the global super powers and International Financial Institutions such as the World Bank and IMF; they challenge civil society to resist, in similar ways to those of the Mayan indigenous population who through the rise of the Zapatistas have appealed for an end to 500 years of oppression and 40 years of development (Esteva. 994:302) and who call for greater recognition of indigenous rights; they call on NGOs, development Agencies, charities and development practitioners to rethink the way they operate, to question and to challenge the work they are doing; they challenge not only Western scholars but also those of the Third World, in particular on what Peet and Hardwick call Intellectual Dependency Theory (1999:137) a challenge to Third World scholars to move away from the dominant ideologies of Western discourse towards more critical and creative thinking on th e issues facing developing countries; they also pose challenges to themselves, to their body of knowledge which indeed does not provide answers. However, ultimately post-development challenges us, both our mind set, ways of thinking and assumptions. To conclude it must be stated that despite its obvious drawbacks, post-development successfully provides a series of provocative challenges to mainstream development paradigms, indeed Corbridge sums up the power of post-development and the opportunity it provides for future change, Post-development keeps the raw nerve of outrage alive post-development thinkers force us to confront our own prejudices about the agendas of development and the shocking failure of some aspects of the development project. They also provide a human touch that is too often missing in development studies (1999:143).

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Humanities Ethics Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Humanities Ethics - Coursework Example This fundamental principle is what guides Immanuel Kant’s ethical system. According to Emmanuel Kant, categorical imperative is the standard of rationality upon which moral requirements are based. Categorical imperative is a formal technique that is used to evaluate any morally applicable action (Timmerman 23). In order to determine whether an action is morally right, the categorical imperative is used as a source of moral justification. Kant understood that moral law is by nature rational, impartial, and universal. For instance, an imperative is a command such as ‘Close the door!’ or ‘Come here!’ therefore; an imperative is either categorical or imperative. Kant defined Hypothetical imperatives as commands that are used to fulfill particular human goals and desires and he considered them dependent upon personal situations. As such, they are limited to specific circumstances, or to the people who have these dispositions. He argued that hypothetical im peratives are not necessarily impractical. In fact, he conceded that human beings live by these imperatives values in their everyday lives (Timmons 22). However, he noted that these imperatives are non-moral. If any action is performed as a means to an end then that action is based on a hypothetical imperative. ... On the other hand, it is categorical because it applies to those who possess the rational will without taking into consideration what ends they might have or might not have (Timmerman 57). However, its application to the rational humanity is not based on any condition that is, for any act to be deemed as a categorical imperative, it must prove to be good in itself and conforms to reason (Timmerman, 76). It must embody the ability to universalize the action. That is, in a similar circumstance, other people would act in accordance with the same rules. 4. Are the hypothetical imperatives in relation to Kant and right theories apply in the contemporary families? The main difference between categorical and hypothetical imperatives is that categorical imperative requires that we must act in accordance with it without exception. However, hypothetical imperative is limited to specific circumstances for instance; it allows that if one is tired, they are free to bed. Categorical imperative doe s not obligate humanity to undertake any particular action rather; it demands that actions should meet particular condition (Timmerman 36). Human being must be able to ensure that the maxim behind his or her action can be replicated by anyone else in a similar situation. 5. What are the relation and implication of Kant and maxim in the contemporary world? Kant figured out categorical imperative from two maxims; objectivity and respect for all persons. According to the objectivity maxim, an action is right only if would be right for any other individual in similar situation. The maxim of respect states that an act is right so long as it treats others as ‘ends in themselves’. It is important to note that categorical imperative is not directly

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Drinking age Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Drinking age - Essay Example It is stated in the act, along with other enforcements that the states should legislate or enforce the minimum legal drinking age to be twenty one years old. It is also stated under the Federal Aid Highway Act, that the state that fails to mandate or enforce the twenty one years old law of drinking age, is at risk of losing ten percent of the federal funding for highway appointments. There have been several controversies related to the National Minimum Drinking Age Act of 1984. The law was effective in 1984, when President Reagan signed this law for implementation, many people are convinced that the most influential supporter for the act was Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) (Stefan, K, pp.25). Even if it is true or not, there is one thing very apparent that was the act was imposed as a law due to extraordinary support from the groups of special interests among which MADD was one of them. From a very long time, drinking has been considered as a government lack of control issue. Du ring the year 1919, a prohibition was effective which imposed a ban on everyone from drinking alcohol regardless of age group. It was considered as a criminal offense to manufacture, possess, sell or drink alcoholic beverages. The prohibition was lifted by the year 1933, and once again the consumption and possession alcoholic drink was legal. It was official prompted to many states, cities and municipalities that they control drinking by creating legislation. Through several studies, it is suggested that the brain of a youngster is not completely developed until the age of twenty one that is the reason why the brain of youngster is affected differently as compared to the effects on an adult. After several discussions it was settled that the age of twenty one was ideal for legal drinking age and an act was passed, it was required by the states to increase the age of legal drinking to twenty one otherwise their percentage of funding for highways will be reduced by ten percent. The tim e duration provided for implementation was two years. Some of the states enforced the law, some states did not but at present all the states have implemented the law. There are additional exceptions available in the Federal law, if youngsters want to pursue employment in a place where there is dealing of alcoholic beverages. An eighteen year old is eligible to work in a restaurant, bar and serve alcohol at a liquor store, the possession of alcohol in such case is legal, but they are not allowed to consume it. In some states the prohibition are more specifically defined as compared to others, whereas some municipalities have no legislation defined in this regard related to the legal age of drinking. To date there has been a lot of confusion raised with regards to what is allowed and what is not, as the implementation varied from state to state, but it is better to be precautious by being safe and not consuming or possessing alcohol beverages under the age of twenty one. United States of America has implemented highest age of legal drinking as compared to all other countries. Russia, Spain, Ireland, Mexico, Australia and England all these countries have the legal drinking age eighteen. Portugal, Greece, Germany, Italy and few other countries have allowed the young citizen to consume beer at a young age of sixteen, whereas some of the countries have no defined

Sunday, November 17, 2019

The Religious Traditions of Buddhism and Confucianism Essay Example for Free

The Religious Traditions of Buddhism and Confucianism Essay No other force in our collective history is as influential in shaping our world as religion has been. It is a force that continues to define and redefine the world as we know it. Nations and countries have been established and destroyed all in the name of religion. Political lines are being redrawn even as we speak with religion as the main weapon of choice. No other force can affect people and compel them to action as much as religion does. It keeps followers together even while it keeps people of different faith out. It is source of cohesion and conflict at the same time (Cristi, 2001, p. 223) People who would not normally use force on another will gladly fight in the name of faith. A call to arms in the name of religion is the best way to assemble an army, fueled with righteous anger against the perceived enemy. Most, if not all civil wars have been fought in the name of religion. The enduring conflict in Northern Ireland between Catholics and Protestant, as well as the violence of Buddhists in Sri Lanka against the Hindu Tamil proves such a point. For all its awesome power, the exact nature of religion remains shrouded in history. Some scholars believe that religion arose from man’s necessity to make sense of living, and his compelling need to understand the mysteries of life. (Hume 24) Over the years, religion has come to be defined as an organized system of practices structured around some supernatural or divine belief. Religion is faith practiced in the context of reality. They are rules that guide certain kind of faith or belief. (Derrida Vattimo 6) Most cultures that exist in the world today are greatly influenced by the predominant religion of their respective places. The most common manifestations of religion can be seen through prayers, rites, and traditions that certain religious denominations practice. The most dominant religions of the world include Catholicism, Islam, Jew, and Hinduism. Other religions such as Protestantism are offshoots of Catholicism. Some, like Confucianism and Theravada Buddhism remain contentious. Some regard the two as religion, while others argue otherwise. The question is how did others came to be recognized as religions while others remain ambiguous? How do we make the distinction between religion and religious traditions? This paper argues that while Confucianism and Theravada Buddhism may not be religion, they are nevertheless religious traditions by virtue of their organized and specific rules of behavior. Theravada Buddhism is the dominant school of Buddhism. The two major schools of Buddhism that emerged from Buddha’s teachings are simply different representations of the same core principles. At first it may seem contradictory that a philosophy that espouses non-violence and universal tolerance will have a division. However, there exists neither conflict nor competition within these two main schools and the schools that followed after; the schools are more of a reflection of the place, time, and circumstance where Buddhism grew and became a way of life. Because cultures and histories differ, our perspectives on Buddha’s teachings can differ as well. (Gyatso 113) The emphasis of Theravada Buddhism is on individual attainment of nirvana, as opposed to enlightenment for all as advocated by Mahayana. Mahayana believes that Buddhists should not just be concerned about their own enlightenment, but aim to enlighten others even if it means sacrificing their own (Gyatso 168). The Mahayana form has more â€Å"religious† conventions, including worship or veneration Buddha and other divine beings. They also venerate sacred objects and icons and follow certain religious rituals. Theravada Buddhists, as an offshoot of their beliefs do not have the same features of the Mahayana. The â€Å"selfish† orientation and the unadorned nature of Theravada Buddhism perpetuate the perception of a non-religion. However, it should be said that apart from this fundamental difference, these two major schools adhere to basically the same principles. (Gyatso 170). For purposes of clarity, Buddhism, as discussed here refers to Theravada Buddhism because it is the school that is most often the target of â€Å"religious† debate. Buddhism has more close to 400 millions of followers worldwide. Buddhists ascribe to certain ways of living and behaviors that are unique to their faith. The main debate whether Buddhism is a religion or not stems from the fact that Buddhists do subscribe to the belief of an all-knowing and all-powerful deity. Buddhists do not worship any sentient, supreme being; and in the same vein, they do not have specific beliefs about the afterlife and the world that exists therein. The association of religion with the belief in gods and afterworlds to the exclusion of everything else is a mistaken notion that most people stubbornly adhere to. While belief in gods and some form of afterlife is a common characteristic of most religions, it is not a feature that distinguishes religion from those that are not. It may be argued that while Buddhism has no specific god who they believe can save them, they nevertheless have some sense of the divine or the ultimate truth; a truth that Buddhists believe any one individual can attain by their own determination. For Buddhists, one’s love for of one’s self is the chain that bonds us to a life of suffering and only by following Buddha’s path can a person be liberated from the cycle of causation and rebirth. Freedom from causality is the state of nirvana (William 142). Buddhists believe that our world is a world of suffering and causality, where one action causes another to take place. Followers of Buddhism denounce violence and espouse the principles of non-violence in all aspects of their lives. The virtue of nonviolence is one the key precepts of Buddhism, which is why followers are strict vegetarians and pacifists, Another major tenet of Buddhism is meditation. Buddhists believe that by going into your own thoughts, you cleanse and purify your soul. Meditation, while relaxing the body, sharply focuses the mind, thus enabling us to purge negative energy and achieve clarity of thought. Meditation is a keystone in Buddhism; without which one cannot achieve the awakening that they are looking for (William 167). Meditation as a cornerstone of Buddhism came from the fact that Buddha himself attained enlightenment after a long period of mediation. For Buddhists the meditation technique produces a sense of calm, but it does not entirely lead us away from all of our sufferings. Regardless of the proven benefits that meditation brings, it does not provide a complete pathway to enlightenment. Buddhists combine calm meditation with or insight meditation (William 198). Calming the body and then calming the mind. This type of meditation is intended for the development of a heightened sense of awareness about the world and our place in it. It asks us to be aware of what we are doing at the precise moment we are doing it. Some people call this process metacognition, or awareness of our awareness. Once this is achieved and sustained, then enlightenment will soon follow. The origin of Buddhism is traced to an Indian prince named Siddhartha, who, in spite of the wealth and power that surrounded him found no true happiness in them. Siddhartha had a lingering discontent; there was a compelling need for him to find the meaning and purpose of life; a need so urgent that he was willing to leave the comforts and safety of his home in search of answers. And so Siddhartha travelled the world in search for his personal truth. It took many years and experiences and deep reflections, until one day, under the Bo Tree, he found absolute clarity and illumination. (Penney 17) From thereon, he called himself Buddha which means the enlightened one. He continued on his travels but this time to teach the path of enlightenment to those who seek it. It is important to note that some Buddhist scholars fall into the trap of analyzing Buddha’s teachings that they neglect the actual spiritual experiences of Buddha, which is more important than the first. To grasp the spirit of Buddha, it is necessary to know the experiences of Buddha himself. Enlightenment, which is the final goal of all Buddhists, is an absolute state of acceptance and the absolute absence of discrimination, ignorance, and suffering. By ignorance, Buddha means spiritual unawareness, the inability to consciously seek the truth and recognize it once it has been found. In the end, the message of Buddhism is clear, that one must follow the Middle Path or take a detached view of reality for an individual to see his involvement and separation from everything in life. Once this state of detachment has been achieved, then will come the realization of how our live are empty in its absolute oneness with the universe. This realization of emptiness is achieved when one seeks constant awareness of experience and thought through meditation and by consciously taking the Middle Path in all of life’s extremes. While Buddhism if more focused on existential experiences, it does have the same goals as other forms of religion: transformation and growth. Religion, through the prescription of certain doctrines and rules of behavior, seeks the betterment of all its followers. Buddhism encompasses all aspects of the follower’s life. In fact it might be argued that Buddhism is more stringent in their rules as other denominations of faith. Because Buddhists are not subservient to any god, they do not claim monopoly of truth and salvation as well. Would-be-followers are not forced to forsake their original religion as long as they follow the Buddhist way of life, which is non-negotiable. The same â€Å"religious† issues beset Confucian philosophy. The absence of an omniscient potentiate excludes it from the list of what the world recognizes as religion as well. Confucianism was based on the teachings of Confucius, renowned ancient Chinese philosopher. While Buddhism focuses on suffering and enlightenment, Confucianism is more about human behavior in the context of civilized society. During the Qing Dynasty, Confucian teachings were organized and proclaimed as China’s state religion. (Yao 28) This political move stained the public’s perception of Confucianism, making it even more difficult to be classified as a religion. However, Confucianism is strictly about how to live a morally upright life based on good deeds and good citizenship. Despite this political underpinings, Confucianism remains the ideology of choice for most Chinese.

Friday, November 15, 2019

Superstructure In Marxist Cultural Theory

Superstructure In Marxist Cultural Theory The oft-cited passage from Marxs preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy in which he states that the economic structure, or base, of society is its real basis, on which arises a legal and political superstructure (source); contains perhaps the most contentious aspects of Marxist theory. The implicit ideas within these few sentences concerning the relationship between the base and the superstructure have excited scrupulous analysis and fervent debate from within the Marxist school of thought and by critics and opponents alike. The passage proclaims that it is upon the economic base that all other institutions, norms and practises are constructed. This perception was confronted by those who suggested that the base and the superstructure were best interpreted as having a reciprocal, dialectical relationship in which the base conditions the superstructure but is in turn affected by it. The metaphor was insufficient for later Marxists, such as Gramsci and Lukacs, wh o represent a shift away from the rigid dichotomy of the classical position by placing focus on the realm of the superstructure through concepts such as hegemony and totality. Further still, there were those who proposed a functional reading of base and superstructure (Cohen). Throughout this narrative, the problems with the relative understanding of base and superstructure have been consistently exposed, either by those who attempt to navigate around them through reformulation, or by those who suggest that they cause the metaphor to collapse. Most notably, the notion that the base determines the superstructure is particularly troubling for many critics. There has been a persistent effort to suggest that the relationship between the base and the superstructure involves an element of economic determinism, which represents the most significant problem due to its simplicity. A second problem is the difficulty of separating the base from the superstructure, and defining what constitutes the relations of production. It is the purpose of this essay to make two assertions. The first is that the troubling cause and effect logic is stubbornly common to all formulations of the model, making both practical and analytical application indefensible. The second uses this as the basis for the suggestion that Marxian claims concerning the relationship between base and superstructure are reductionist and that a multi-dimensional approach that respects ideas of complexity would be preferable. According to Marx, in any given historical epoch men collectively organise to produce the goods and amenities that will ensure their survival. In doing this they enter into class-based social relations independently of their will. The economic base is comprised of the sum total of these socioeconomic relations, termed as the relations of production. The base corresponds, or is conditioned by, the forces of production which we may define as the means at the disposal of the actors involved in said relations. Since the cultural and political superstructure arises upon the economic base, it is therefore the historically specific mode of production that determines and characterises the rest of society social, cultural and political processes, ideas, institutions and so on. As the forces of production advance, through technological innovation for example, strain is placed upon the relations of production. Eventually the base is forced to change and since all other aspects of society are d etermined by the base, the superstructure must accommodate this change through change of its own. The superstructure is said to normalise the antagonism inherent within the class-based social relations since they are expressed through political and legal means, thus preventing the masses from recognising the oppression and exploitation that they are subjected to. This conception is the basis for the wider perspective of cultural materialism, which itself is part of Marxs theory of historical materialism. To quote Plamenatz, If the Marxian theory is to be called materialist, it is because it asserts that it is how men produce what satisfies their needs, which determines the general character of the moral, political and legal order p. 277 It is the suspect way in which Marx states not only that but how (Antonio Gramsci Beyond Marxism and Post-Modernism) base and superstructure are related which shall be the main focus of this essay. Before the problems with the relationship are discussed, it is relevant to briefly outline why such an endeavour is of importance, in light of the argument that the spatial image is a convenient way of discussing society from a methodological and analytical point of view; it is not meant to represent the actual complexity of the real world. (Jakabwski, 1976 quoted in Gramsci new introduction) Whilst it is fair to claim that the base and superstructure metaphor can be a useful analytical tool; it also seems fair to suggest that the validity of the model should be rigorously examined against the complexities of reality. It is only by defining the limits of the metaphor that we can know its ability to shed light on relationships between social phenomena, as Marx claims it can. A central issue of the debate surrounding base and superstructure is what our understanding of determination should be. The inescapable criticism that the base and superstructure metaphor reduces cultural theory to a linear form of economic determinism was prevalent from its very inception (olssen), and I would argue that the persistent, simplistic economic determinist logic is a major problem with the base and superstructure relationship. To focus first on the language of Marxs passage, Marx and Engels could have used moderate terminology to merely suggest that there is a relation between production and social activity. However, as Plamenatz notes, Marx and Engels clearly felt it important to say, as they did so repeatedly, that the character of production determines social life. This is characteristic of much of Marxist theory. That history follows a determinable path in which the changes and developments of society can essentially be predicted is a common theme. There is however m uch rhetoric from both Marx and Engels to defend their position by acknowledging that quote from Gramsci that superstructure influences base). As such most modern scholars do not accept such a determinist perspective. Raymond Williams for example, describes it as being the simplest and most basic understanding of the relationship. (source) It may therefore be contentious to state that Marx was strong in his conviction that there is a specifically determined relationship between base and superstructure in its simplest (Williams) form, since he and Engels both expressed ideas to the contrary (source). However what is clear is the primary status of the base (which is also reflected by the centrality of economics in much of the Marxist canon) and the implication of the secondary or subjugated status of the superstructure. Whether or not Marx intended to allow for the idea of reciprocal influence, it is clear that the metaphor tended ultimately to posit primary or first causes in histori cal motion, which would relegate the rest to a secondary, accidental, contingent, dependent status. (Antonio Gramsci Beyond Marxism and Post-Modernism) It is from this that we may confidently argue that the position of classical Marxism is that which favours economic determinism to a significant enough extent to be subject to scrutiny, despite the neo-Marxist claim that economic determinism is not the intended understanding of the base and superstructure concept. The interpretation of determination between base and superstructure as being reciprocal is a common departure from the simple notion of prefiguration, prediction and control. (Williams) Althusser speaks of the relative autonomy and reciprocal action of the superstructure. (Althusser, cited in Lapsley Westlake 1988: 5) The notion that areas in the superstructure can be relatively distant from the base, and retain a relative autonomy from economic determination is the key feature of the Althusserian understanding of base and superstructure. Shifting emphasis away from the base allows for the interpretation that it is in fact not the economic base that is the basis for society but the superstructure, which exercises autonomous influence, in that it exerts pressures on its own terms. In spite of this, to remain true in part to Marxs original thought, Althusser downgrades the concept of autonomy by stating that there is determination in the last instance by the economy. Hall, influenced by Althusser, cites the variety of language in Marxs description of base and superstructure in The German Ideology which varies from connected with to created by and in its action as to suggest that the relationship between economic and non-economic activities need to be seen as interactive and circular. Williams exertion of pressures. Reformulations of the spatial metaphor such as those outlined above are curious in that they seek to account for variety within the superstructure by assigning the idea of autonomy, yet then retrace their steps in a contrived effort to remain true to the original Marxist doctrine. Althusser, Hall and Williams all nod to the complexity of the superstructure and either explicitly or implicitly acknowledge that deterministic attempts to trace clear causal influence between it and the base is problematic, which seems to be the driving influence in their reformulation of the concept of determination, yet the desire to maintain the primacy of the base is pa radoxical in that it undermines the acknowledgement of a complex, autonomous superstructure by yet again suppressing its autonomy through simple notions of economic practise. This is merely sidestepping the issue and is a fragile (Hirst, On Law and Ideology, London 1979, pp. 75-95) attempt to rescue Marx. If we accept the argument that economic determinism is reductionist, then the circular and reciprocal interpretation may be said to be only partially less simplistic. A second significant problem with the base/superstructure distinction is the inability to theoretically separate the base from the superstructure, and the inferiority of the term relations of production to describe clearly what it is that constitutes the base. If it is unfeasible to overcome these problems, any proposed interpretation of the base and superstructure relationship ought to fail. The debate between G. A. Cohen and John Plamenatz is a useful way of navigating these difficulties. Cohen is a proponent of a functional understanding of the base/superstructure relationship. The argument develops from the idea that the superstructure is constructed as a result of its function, which is to maintain the base. The existence of the superstructure is therefore dependent on its ability to develop social norms and practises that are conducive to the base and provide social stability. As part of this interpretation, Cohen seeks to overcome what he calls the problem of legality, which i s a reassertion of one of the criticisms put forward by John Plamenatz (Karl Marxs Theory of History p.235). As Plamenatz (man and society) notes, detailed analysis of the relations of production reveals that the relations are essentially legal in nature, making the base indistinguishable from the superstructure since the superstructure is supposedly the dominion of legality. Similarly, since the base may only be described normatively, it is difficult to assert the sense in which it is separated from the superstructure, as is indicated by the spatial metaphor. Furthermore, Plamenatz identifies that relations of property are supposedly superstructural, yet have considerable influence over the workings and structure of the economic base. He also states that large sides of social life, such as religion or the sciences, cannot be shown to be derivative of the base. Cohens attempt to overcome this is through a reformulation of the base, an ambition which shares parallels with Williams, c entres on whether or not it is possible to arrive at a conception of the base which excluds any normative involvement from law, morality or politics. He therefore sought to purge the base of normative elements, or seek to identify a rechtsfrei economic structure (Lukes) Cohens non-normative base is built upon the distinction between relations of power, which can exist without superstructural interference, and relations of rights. However, Lukes finds his conception unconvincing. According to Lukes, power relations are based on social and moral senses of duty that must exist before power relations can be established. In summary of the debate Lukes proposes that Cohen fails through his inability to present reference to roles within his rechtsfrei that do not presuppose the existence of rights of some kind. For Lukes, then, there is no viable distinction between base and superstructure, rendering the metaphor useless, urging that it is high time that the distinction be consigned to the scrap heap. If we are to involve Williams urge to reconfigure our understanding of the base as a dynamic force, constantly occupied and defined by human activity, and not take the base as an abstract entity that is not necessarily defined by human action, then we must accept Lukes argument and the collapse of the distinction. Gramscis concept of hegemony and Lukacs of totality represent Marxist conceptions of society that are altogether more holistic and need not necessarily be interpreted in terms of a base and superstructure separation. For Gramsci, the sharp separation between the economic sphere and the political sphere was unsatisfactory, since social relations of civil society interpenetrate with the relations of production. (gramscis political thought p.30) He saw the superstructure as being divided into two parts, political society and civil society and argued that political society organises force, civil society is the organiser of consensus. (Canadian journal) Gramsci asserted that the bourgeoisie maintained control in society through ideology, rather than by economic or coercive means. The norms and values conducive to bourgeois control became entrenched as the limits of common sense of the working class, who were therefore distracted from revolution by falsely interpreting their exploitation a s a common good. Still, it is the bourgeois control of economic production that allows them to become the hegemonic class in civil society. Similarly, for Lukacs, the economist assumption that consciousness and ideology were determined by the economy could not be shown to be so, since crises that developed in the economic sphere were not reflected in the consciousness of individuals (Lukacs history and class consciousness 1923). Gramsci and Lukacs were both attempting to mend Marxism in the area in which they felt was most deficient. Economic determinism, for them, did not privilege an understanding of the vast complexity of the superstructure, which as the realm of consciousness and ideology was greatly important to the cause of initiating historic change. As a model, beyond simply calling this relation dialecticalà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ it was deficient in examining the multiple ways in which culture and politics or the state produce ideology, authority and power (beyond Marxism and post modernism) They therefore attempted to challenge bourgeois dominance through means that were not strictly economic. While it is more accurate to suggest that the complexity of the superstructure should not be underestimated, in Gramsci and Lukacs ambition to loosen the rigid nature of orthodox Marxism through reformulation, what results is a similarly reductionist or one-dimensional view of society.( The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities T. J. Jackson Lears p.569) A total, holistic view of society will always by nature be insufficient to deeply analyse the variation and complexity of culture, particularly if one seeks to study it through the rather narrow lens of historical materialism, with its association with cause and effect history that has yet to manifest itself. The economic determinism present in the orthodox Marxist interpretation of the relationship between base and superstructure is a problem that is difficult to evade. In attempting to do so most neo reformulations seem hampered in some way, as they seek to transcend the oversimplified nature of the linear perspective but never quite manage to explain or predict the complexity of cultural processes and institutions. The circular interpretation of the relationship is admittedly more attractive than the basic understanding, yet crucially still denies the superstructure the complexity and autonomy that it must be said to have. The work of Gramsci and Lukacs is a significant step forward towards a theory of complexity but is still hampered by the simplicity of seeking to define culture and society through holistic, all-encompassing terms. All formulations seem crude in that they either imply a causal influence strong enough to suggest that the superstructure is mechanically reproduced by th e base, or a causal influence that is not strong enough to strictly retain Marxs original meaning. To overcome this by speaking in terms of the convenience or usefulness of the metaphor as an analytical device seems dangerous to the integrity of the conclusions that may be drawn from it, since it repeatedly has not and cannot stand up to detailed analysis. What should be sought is a view of culture that analyses it without having to refer to a specific agenda, economic or otherwise. It is only by viewing culture on its own terms that we may we hope to go some way to dealing with its complexity.

Tuesday, November 12, 2019

Managing Multinational Strategic Alliances of Airlines

The study will be performed using qualitative and quantitative methods using structured interviews and survey instruments. Redshaw (2007) reiterates that not all questions are theory based. She further argues that quite concrete practical questions can be addressed without placing the study in one of the theoretical frameworks and the methods of qualitative enquiry stand on their own as reasonable ways of fining what is happening in human settings. Carnall (1990) has pointed out that quantitative analysis is more likely to be secondary and exploratory (or descriptive) in nature, summarising data in the form of charts, tables, percentages and averages. Diefenbach (2007) has suggested that when a survey is carried out, the data obtained would mostly be categorical, hence is likely to be ranked across a scale. This data might be represented in terms of frequency, central tendency or dispersion. It is highly unlikely the research might require the necessity of inferential data analysis. The survey instruments included multiple sets of Questionnaire and these can be regarded more as quantitative research. As suggested by Bordens (et all, 2005), a properly designed instrument allows for the research to be valid, reliable and accurate. According to Bordens, questionnaire is used in instances where a general interrelation between different variables is studied, ‘in situ’, meaning that there is no attempt to find out how changing one variable would effect the other. The questionnaires are of multiple-choice questions and scoring has been done as per the Liker 5 point scale. Please refer to Appendix. Table 1. Scoring System for Questionnaire 1  Ã‚   (Trochim, 2006). For the study, a number of primary and secondary sources have been used and these include published literature, websites, company financial reports, interviews with key people and others. Respondents for the survey would be identified as per their role and job functions. References Bordens, Kenneth S., & Abbott, B. (2005). Research design and methods: a process approach. (6th ed.). New York; McGraw-Hill Carnall, C A (1990) Managing Change in Organizations, Prentice Hall, London Diefenbach Thomas (2007), The managerialistic ideology of organisational change management, Journal of Organizational Change Management, 20 (1), pp: 126-137 Redshaw Sue, Mandable Terence E, (July 2007), Managing the people side of major change at WMATA, Journal of Strategic Communication Management, Volume 11, Issue 4, pp: 28-32 Trochim William M.K. (2006). Liker Scaling. Retrieved 17 January 2008 from http://www.socialresearchmethods.net/kb/scallik.php                           

Sunday, November 10, 2019

Binary numeral system

In many different characters encoding systems one byte is used to represent a single alphanumeric character such as a letter, number or a symbol like One of the most common system is ASCII – American Standard Code for Information Interchange, another common character encoding system is ANSI – American National Standards Institute, the two although aren't compatible with each there with ANSI being used in early Windows Applications and ASCII is used even in the resent with simple text editors such as Notepad. M sure you have probably come across UNICODE depending on how familiar you are with terminal, Unicode is an extended version of ASCII. Graphics are stored in two ways, either ‘bitmaps' or ‘vectors'. Bitmaps are made of colored squares called pixels; one pixel is equal to 1 byte. A Peculated image is a term used to describe images that are enlarged too much and pixels start to become visible.Vector images work a little different, as hey are made up of lin es drawn between plotted co-ordinates, these shapes can then be filled with blocks of a single color, vectors therefore can be enlarged without becoming peculated and their file size is often much reduced then bitmaps because there is less information to be stored. Human use numbers in groups of 10, which is called ‘denary' or base 10, computer store either 0 or ones so only two values, which is called binary or base 2. Numbers in binary look like this: 01011011=91 Depending if it is a O or a 1 the number is used so the top sample is. 28 64 32 16 8 4 10 (64+16+8+2+1=91) Another method computers use to encode numbers is in hexadecimal or base 1 6, this method is usually used to represent color values, very comment in programming or web development. It is uses number from O to 9 and letter from A to Foot represent 10 to 15. 123456789ABCDEF These are very often in image editing , the color white is represented as #PAYOFF, the â€Å"#† isn't part of the hexadecimal number i t is just used to identify that the number is an hexadecimal number. Encoding recap: Encoding is basically done by pairing numbers or letters with different harassers.ASCII simply converts the number â€Å"2† to its equivalent in ASCII let's say 16, and this is then converted to binary, but bare in mind that 16 in binary is 00010000 where as what it would do is convert â€Å"1† and â€Å"6† to binary. Same happens with letters and special characters. And this is pretty much how encoding works, it is used in order too make the computer understand your input and to help you then understand what the computer outputs since if you would see 010101101 all over the screen would be odd as humans aren't naturally good with numbers.

Friday, November 8, 2019

Cruz Surname Meaning and Origin

Cruz Surname Meaning and Origin The Cruz surname comes from a personal name meaning cross or dweller near a cross, from the Spanish cruz and Latin crux, meaning cross. It may also be a habitational name indicating one who came from any of several places with Cruc, Cruz or La Cruz in their name. Variants of this surname originated in just about every European country, including Cross (English), Groze (French) and Kreuze and Kreuziger (German). Cruz is the 82nd most popular surname in the United States. Cruz is also a popular Spanish name, coming in as the 17th most common Hispanic surname. Surname Origin:  Spanish, Portuguese Alternate Surname Spellings: CRUCES,  DE CRUZ, DE LA CRUZ, DA CRUZ, CRUZADO, CRUSE, CRUISE, CROSS, DCRUZ Famous People with the Surname CRUZ Ted Cruz - Republican senator from Texas; US presidential candidateBobby Cruz - Puerto Rican salsa singerCelia Cruz - Cuban American singerPenelope Cruz - Spanish actressMaria Silva Cruz - Spanish anarchist Where Do People With the CRUZ Surname Live? Surname distribution data at  Forebears  ranks Cruz as the worlds 186th most common surname, found in greatest numbers in Mexico and with the highest density in Guam. The Cruz surname is the most common surname in Guam, where one in forty-five bear the name. It ranks 11th in Honduras and the Northern Mariana Islands, 12th in Palau and Puerto Rico, and 15th in Nicaragua and Mexico. Within Europe, Cruz is most frequently found in Spain, according to  WorldNames PublicProfiler, especially in the southern regions and Canary Islands. It is also very common in northwest Argentina. Coat of Arms Contrary to what you may hear, there is no such thing as a Cruz family crest or coat of arms for the Cruz surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male-line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted. Genealogy Resources for the Surname CRUZ How to Research Hispanic HeritageLearn how to get started researching  your Hispanic ancestors, including the basics of family tree research and country-specific organizations, genealogical records, and resources for Spain, Latin America, Mexico, Brazil, the Caribbean and other Spanish speaking countries. CRUZ Family Genealogy ForumSearch this popular genealogy forum for the Cruz surname to find others who might be researching your ancestors, or post your own Cruz query. FamilySearch - CRUZ GenealogyAccess over 10 million free historical records and lineage-linked family trees posted for the Cruz surname and its variations on this free genealogy website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. GeneaNet - Cruz RecordsGeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Cruz surname, with a concentration on records and families from France, Spain, and other European countries. CRUZ Surname Family Mailing ListsThis free mailing list for researchers of the Cruz surname and its variations includes subscription details and searchable archives of past messages. The Cruz Genealogy and Family Tree PageBrowse family trees and links to genealogical and historical records for individuals with the last name Cruz from the website of Genealogy Today. References Cottle, Basil.  Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967.Dorward, David.  Scottish Surnames. Collins Celtic (Pocket edition), 1998.Fucilla, Joseph.  Our Italian Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 2003.Hanks, Patrick and Flavia Hodges.  A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989.Hanks, Patrick.  Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003.Reaney, P.H.  A Dictionary of English Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1997.Smith, Elsdon C.  American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997.

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Free Essays on Forced Medications

To insure that all patients have rights, President Bill Clinton passed a bill in September 1996. This bill was appropriately called The Patient’s Bill of Rights. This bill states that no patients can be physically, emotionally, sexually, or financially abused or neglected. One of the rights in this bill is the patient’s right to take part in one’s own medical treatment plan. Unfortunately not every patient has the mental capacity to do this. A patient may be uneducated about the plan or mentally impaired. This is when patient advocates need to be employed. Forced Medication 2 Another right in this bill is the patient’s right to refuse treatment. This bill is violated every day, in one form or another. I have worked in health care for nine years. I have seen patients being forced to take medication. Of course, this doesn’t necessarily mean physically forced into someone’s mouth. It can mean lying to a confused patient, and telling them that the medication is candy, or giving medication in food without the patient’s knowledge. All of these examples are violations of patients’ rights. Some cases of forced medications are more extreme. By law, our government can force a person to take antipsychotic medication. One example of this is the case of US vs. Sell. In this case, Dr. Sell, a nonviolent pretrial detainee was forced to take antipsychotic, mind-altering drugs. The judge in this case ruled that Dr. Sell was mentally incompetent to withstand a trial. During the trial Dr. Sell, who suffers from a mental disorder, was spitting and shouting out racial slurs. However, there is not proof that Dr. Sell is a threat to himself or others. He was being rude and difficult to manage. This does not give the judge the right to force medication on him. Restraining patients for conve... Free Essays on Forced Medications Free Essays on Forced Medications To insure that all patients have rights, President Bill Clinton passed a bill in September 1996. This bill was appropriately called The Patient’s Bill of Rights. This bill states that no patients can be physically, emotionally, sexually, or financially abused or neglected. One of the rights in this bill is the patient’s right to take part in one’s own medical treatment plan. Unfortunately not every patient has the mental capacity to do this. A patient may be uneducated about the plan or mentally impaired. This is when patient advocates need to be employed. Forced Medication 2 Another right in this bill is the patient’s right to refuse treatment. This bill is violated every day, in one form or another. I have worked in health care for nine years. I have seen patients being forced to take medication. Of course, this doesn’t necessarily mean physically forced into someone’s mouth. It can mean lying to a confused patient, and telling them that the medication is candy, or giving medication in food without the patient’s knowledge. All of these examples are violations of patients’ rights. Some cases of forced medications are more extreme. By law, our government can force a person to take antipsychotic medication. One example of this is the case of US vs. Sell. In this case, Dr. Sell, a nonviolent pretrial detainee was forced to take antipsychotic, mind-altering drugs. The judge in this case ruled that Dr. Sell was mentally incompetent to withstand a trial. During the trial Dr. Sell, who suffers from a mental disorder, was spitting and shouting out racial slurs. However, there is not proof that Dr. Sell is a threat to himself or others. He was being rude and difficult to manage. This does not give the judge the right to force medication on him. Restraining patients for conve...

Sunday, November 3, 2019

HRM Competencies CHAPER1,4,11 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

HRM Competencies CHAPER1,4,11 - Essay Example In addition, in this case training is mainly done to expose the employees to job requirements. Development refers to the ability to enable one perfect the skills they possess. In organizations, development is used to increase the effectiveness of human resources. In addition, HR professions are responsible for career development of employees. Ulrich et.al (2012) say that this can be achieved through the provision of tools and resources aimed increasing the involvement of an employee in certain activities. Additionally, all employees require career development strategies aimed at improving their expertise in their professional field. In general development can be referred to as improvement of an employee’s professional abilities. Development can also be efficiently achieved through learning. This paper analyzes the function of the HR profession as a trainer or developer. In addition, the paper will analyze the suitability of the requirements to create an exceptional training and development programs. For a HR profession to put in place functional development and training frameworks, they should realize the relation between the two vices. In an argument by Vyas (2009)development includes training of human resources to fit a particular job description of their professional alignment. This can also be perceived as development. Career development in organizations is mainly done through training. From this argument, one may assert that training is the main requirements of development and a HR developer should merge the two requirements. The main requirement of a HR developer is to create a development framework that suits the need of both the organization and the employees. In an argument by Petrescu & Simmons (2008), the organization should also provide specificationsto the developer on the nature of required development frameworks. Vyas (2009)also argues that the relationship between the

Friday, November 1, 2019

Code of Ethics for Psychologists Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Code of Ethics for Psychologists - Coursework Example However, the use of deception can be methodologically and psychologically justifiable which, according to Pittinger (2003), validates the revision of this code. I think that the code should be revised to excuse deceptive practices that aim to acquire accurate results or findings. The second code is 2.03 or Maintaining Competence which states that â€Å"psychologists undertake ongoing efforts to develop and maintain their competence.† The principle expressed by this code is Principle B (Fidelity and Responsibility). Declining competence over the course of therapy or in clinical assessments would harm clients severely, particularly those who are highly vulnerable, such as individuals with mental illness. For example, a mentally ill individual agreed to take part in a study but his condition worsens while the study progresses, so the relatives decided to withdraw him from the study. The right decision then depends on the competence of the psychologists.